慶應義塾大学英語2012年第3問

次の英文を読んで設問に答えなさい。

As an applied linguist*with an interest in cross-cultural issues, I always keep an ear out for anecdotes in which someone is startled by the actions or utterances of a person from another culture. As a non-Japanese living in Japan, , I find that I hear more of such accounts of bafflement*and mystification from other non-Japanese, usually those who have only been here a few years or less. This is most likely because these newcomers to Japan may be frequently faced with a ( ア ) of unexpected occurrences, sometimes even on a daily basis. At the same time, they may also feel more comfortable expressing their surprise to a fellow foreigner, anticipating a common take on the situation, compared to

(1)how a Japanese person might feel when speaking to me about things that they find strange but which I may find customary.

Naturally, though, Japanese people are sometimes also taken aback by cultural differences when coming into contact with non-Japanese, and I am always eager to hear these narratives of confusion as well.

There is one cultural difference that appears to equally surprise Japanese and non-Japanese, which linguist Akio Kamio has termed 'territory of information.”

Kamio posits that the Japanese language makes more distinctions about information and how it was obtained ( イ ) the English language, and that these distinctions are encoded in the spoken language. Information that the speaker does not have direct experience of must be marked as such. Examples are the expressions “...rashii," "...mitai," "...no yo," "...so" and "...tte," which relate to phrases like “apparently...," "it seems that...” and “I hear that....”

In English, these phrases are typically employed when discussing second- or third-hand information, but they may be omitted from many situations ( ウ ) they are required when speaking Japanese.

The choice to use or not use these seemingly inconsequential tag-on expressions can have a hefty effect ( エ ) how English speakers perceive Japanese speakers, and vice versa. English speakers might view the use of these hearsay* evidentials* as the Japanese speaker pussyfooting* - deliberately, or even coyly, distancing themselves from the veracity* of the information imparted, and from the source of the knowledge. One American once commented in exasperation* that it seems as if (2)Japanese speakers, even in casual conversation, behave as if their remarks are being recorded in a deposition*.

On the other hand, native Japanese speakers may find the approach of English speakers toward things they don't have direct experience of as cavalier* and overconfident, or even presumptuous*.

“How can you be so certain? The use of hearsay evidentials by English - speaking learners of Japanese” is the title of (3)one research article published by applied linguist Kazuto Ishida, and it sums up the Japanese impression that English speakers underuse explicit phrases that demonstrate the information they are talking about is not based on firsthand knowledge.

Speaking with assurance about matters you don't really have an adequate understanding of is irksome* in anylanguage. The problem is, what constitutes sufficient familiarity?

Ishida asked Japanese speakers and English speakers who were advanced learners of Japanese to fill in a questionnaire, in Japanese, that asked them how they would convey information obtained from an outside source to another person. The Japanese learners were then asked to fill in an English - language version of the questionnaire.

The results showed that native Japanese speakers used overt evidentials 90 percent of the time. Comparatively, English-speaking learners of Japanese only used them 59 percent of the time, and when doing the questionnaire in English used (4)equivalent expressions only 52 percent of the time.

Ishida also found that both native Japanese speakers and Japanese learners were least likely to use an overt evidential when speaking about information obtained from a family member, but that native Japanese speakers attached some kind of expression to indicate the news was secondhand 83 percent of the time, as opposed to 43 percent of the time with the Japanese learners.

With English speakers, the degree of intimacy and perceived reliability of the source of information appear to be factors in the often - unconscious decision whether to ( オ ) tag information as hearsay.

Ishida's questionnaire contained many scenarios in which the ( カ ) were asked to write down what they would say in situations like this: “You are studying abroad in Japan. You are checking your e-mail at home at night and find a message from your mother. Part of it says: 'I saw President Clinton at a symphony concert yesterday.' Next day, you go to school and see your friend Greg and tell him about your mother. How would you tell him?”

Many English speakers would say something like, “Guess what? My mom saw President Clinton at a symphony concert yesterday!” After all, she's your mom, you trust her, and feel you can speak for her.

For most Japanese speakers, however, to speak in this way would be to (5)overstep the boundaries in the territory of information. After all, she's your mom, not you. You didn't directly glimpse the president. It's hearsay and should be marked as such.

As linguist Yoko Hasegawa notes, making such a firm cognitive distinction between oneself and others contradicts claims that Japanese are ( キ ) individualistic than Westerners. As she puts it, even small children know that it's strange to say, “Mom wants to go shopping.”

Interesting cross-cultural territory indeed. Speaking strictly for myself, of course.

設問
  1. (ア)~(キ)に入れるのにふさわしい語を選び、その番号を解答欄に書きなさい。
    • (ア)
      • 1 variable
      • 2 variations
      • 3 variety
    • (イ)
      • 1 about
      • 2 from
      • 3 than
    • (ウ)
      • 1 in which
      • 2 that
      • 3 what
    • (エ)
      • 1 from
      • 2 of
      • 3 on
    • (オ)
      • 1 covertly
      • 2 unambiguously
      • 3 vaguely
    • (カ)
      • 1 correspondents
      • 2 respondents
      • 3 sponsors
    • (キ)
      • 1 less
      • 2 more
      • 3 much
  2. 下線部分(1)を、theyの指すものを明らかにして、解答欄に記されている表現につながるように、日本語に訳しなさい。
  3. 下線部分(2)で、日本人はどのようにふるまうと言っているのかを50字以内で説明しなさい。
  4. 下線部分(3)の主旨を60字程度で書きなさい。
  5. 下線部分(4)はどのようなことか、解答欄に記されている表現につながるように、20字程度の日本語で説明しなさい。
  6. 下線部分(5)はどのような話し方をすることですか、30字程度の日本語で書きなさい。